Drunen, M. van, Fahy, R., Seipp, T. Defining the ‘media’ in Europe: pitfalls of the proposed European Media Freedom Act In: Journal of Media Law, 2023. @article{nokey,
title = {Defining the ‘media’ in Europe: pitfalls of the proposed European Media Freedom Act},
author = {Seipp, T. and Fahy, R. and Drunen, M. van},
doi = {10.1080/17577632.2023.2240998},
year = {2023},
date = {2023-07-31},
journal = {Journal of Media Law},
abstract = {This comment examines the definition of ‘media’ under the recently-proposed European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), and highlights its potential flaws, while pointing to possible considerations for future improvement. Notably, the narrow service-based approach to defining ‘media’ under Article 2 EMFA appears to be in conflict with the functional approach to defining media under European and international human rights law. Additionally, a lack of transparency and safeguards regarding how the criteria of ‘editorial independence’ is to be assessed, especially under Article 17 EMFA, is problematic. The risk that such decisions are made based on commercial and/or political considerations rather than established standards of media freedom must be avoided, especially when platforms are to assess editorial independence.},
keywords = {},
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This comment examines the definition of ‘media’ under the recently-proposed European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), and highlights its potential flaws, while pointing to possible considerations for future improvement. Notably, the narrow service-based approach to defining ‘media’ under Article 2 EMFA appears to be in conflict with the functional approach to defining media under European and international human rights law. Additionally, a lack of transparency and safeguards regarding how the criteria of ‘editorial independence’ is to be assessed, especially under Article 17 EMFA, is problematic. The risk that such decisions are made based on commercial and/or political considerations rather than established standards of media freedom must be avoided, especially when platforms are to assess editorial independence. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Quintais, J. Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation In: German Law Journal, 2023. @article{nokey,
title = {Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation},
author = {Quintais, J. and Appelman, N. and Fahy, R.},
doi = {10.1017/glj.2023.53},
year = {2023},
date = {2023-07-11},
journal = {German Law Journal},
abstract = {Large online platforms provide an unprecedented means for exercising freedom of expression online and wield enormous power over public participation in the online democratic space. However, it is increasingly clear that their systems, where (automated) content moderation decisions are taken based on a platformʼs terms and conditions (T\&Cs), are fundamentally broken. Content moderation systems have been said to undermine freedom of expression, especially where important public interest speech ends up suppressed, such as speech by minority and marginalized groups. Indeed, these content moderation systems have been criticized for their overly vague rules of operation, inconsistent enforcement, and an overdependence on automation. Therefore, in order to better protect freedom of expression online, international human rights bodies and civil society organizations have argued that platforms “should incorporate directly” principles of fundamental rights law into their T\&Cs. Under EU law, and apart from a rule in the Terrorist Content Regulation, platforms had until recently no explicit obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their T\&Cs. However, an important provision in the Digital Services Act (DSA) will change this. Crucially, Article 14 DSA lays down new rules on how platforms can enforce their T\&Cs, including that platforms must have “due regard” to the “fundamental rights” of users under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this article, we critically examine the topic of enforceability of fundamental rights via T\&Cs through the prism of Article 14 DSA. We ask whether this provision requires platforms to apply EU fundamental rights law and to what extent this may curb the power of Big Tech over online speech. We conclude that Article 14 will make it possible, in principle, to establish the indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights in the relationship between online platforms and their users. But in order for the application and enforcement of T\&Cs to take due regard of fundamental rights, Article 14 must be operationalized within the framework of the international and European fundamental rights standards. If this is possible Article 14 may fulfil its revolutionary potential.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
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}
Large online platforms provide an unprecedented means for exercising freedom of expression online and wield enormous power over public participation in the online democratic space. However, it is increasingly clear that their systems, where (automated) content moderation decisions are taken based on a platformʼs terms and conditions (T&Cs), are fundamentally broken. Content moderation systems have been said to undermine freedom of expression, especially where important public interest speech ends up suppressed, such as speech by minority and marginalized groups. Indeed, these content moderation systems have been criticized for their overly vague rules of operation, inconsistent enforcement, and an overdependence on automation. Therefore, in order to better protect freedom of expression online, international human rights bodies and civil society organizations have argued that platforms “should incorporate directly” principles of fundamental rights law into their T&Cs. Under EU law, and apart from a rule in the Terrorist Content Regulation, platforms had until recently no explicit obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their T&Cs. However, an important provision in the Digital Services Act (DSA) will change this. Crucially, Article 14 DSA lays down new rules on how platforms can enforce their T&Cs, including that platforms must have “due regard” to the “fundamental rights” of users under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this article, we critically examine the topic of enforceability of fundamental rights via T&Cs through the prism of Article 14 DSA. We ask whether this provision requires platforms to apply EU fundamental rights law and to what extent this may curb the power of Big Tech over online speech. We conclude that Article 14 will make it possible, in principle, to establish the indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights in the relationship between online platforms and their users. But in order for the application and enforcement of T&Cs to take due regard of fundamental rights, Article 14 must be operationalized within the framework of the international and European fundamental rights standards. If this is possible Article 14 may fulfil its revolutionary potential.
|
Appelman, N., Buri, I., Fahy, R., Quintais, J., Straub, M., van Hoboken, J. Putting the DSA into Practice: Enforcement, Access to Justice and Global Implications 2023, ISBN: 9783757517960. @techreport{nokey,
title = {Putting the DSA into Practice: Enforcement, Access to Justice and Global Implications},
author = {van Hoboken, J. and Quintais, J. and Appelman, N. and Fahy, R. and Buri, I. and Straub, M.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/vhoboken-et-al_putting-the-dsa-into-practice/
https://verfassungsblog.de/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/vHoboken-et-al_Putting-the-DSA-into-Practice.pdf},
doi = {10.17176/20230208-093135-0},
isbn = {9783757517960},
year = {2023},
date = {2023-02-17},
urldate = {2023-02-17},
publisher = {Verfassungsbooks},
abstract = {The Digital Services Act was finally published in the Official Journal of the European Union on 27 October 2022. This publication marks the end of a years-long drafting and negotiation process, and opens a new chapter: that of its enforcement, practicable access to justice, and potential to set global precedents. The Act has been portrayed as Europe’s new „Digital Constitution“, which affirms the primacy of democratic rulemaking over the private transnational ordering mechanisms of Big Tech. With it, the European Union aims once again to set a global standard in the regulation of the digital environment. But will the Digital Services Act be able to live up to its expectations, and under what conditions?},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
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}
The Digital Services Act was finally published in the Official Journal of the European Union on 27 October 2022. This publication marks the end of a years-long drafting and negotiation process, and opens a new chapter: that of its enforcement, practicable access to justice, and potential to set global precedents. The Act has been portrayed as Europe’s new „Digital Constitution“, which affirms the primacy of democratic rulemaking over the private transnational ordering mechanisms of Big Tech. With it, the European Union aims once again to set a global standard in the regulation of the digital environment. But will the Digital Services Act be able to live up to its expectations, and under what conditions? |
Fahy, R., Voorhoof, D. Freedom of Expression and the EU’s Ban on Russia Today: A Dangerous Rubicon Crossed In: Communications Law, vol. 27, iss. 4, pp. 186-193, 2022. @article{nokey,
title = {Freedom of Expression and the EU’s Ban on Russia Today: A Dangerous Rubicon Crossed},
author = {Fahy, R. and Voorhoof, D.},
url = {https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4322452},
year = {2022},
date = {2022-12-22},
urldate = {2022-12-22},
journal = {Communications Law},
volume = {27},
issue = {4},
pages = {186-193},
abstract = {In RT France v Council, the General Court of the European Union found that the ban on RT France in the EU did not violate the right to freedom of expression and media freedom, under Article 11 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Notably, the General Court sought to apply principles from case law of the European Court of Human Rights and international human rights law. This article argues that there are serious questions to be raised over the General Court’s reasoning in RT France, and the judgment arguably represents a deeply problematic application of European and international free expression principles.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In RT France v Council, the General Court of the European Union found that the ban on RT France in the EU did not violate the right to freedom of expression and media freedom, under Article 11 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Notably, the General Court sought to apply principles from case law of the European Court of Human Rights and international human rights law. This article argues that there are serious questions to be raised over the General Court’s reasoning in RT France, and the judgment arguably represents a deeply problematic application of European and international free expression principles. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Quintais, J. Using Terms and Conditions to Apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation In: German Law Journal, Forthcoming. @article{nokey,
title = {Using Terms and Conditions to Apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation},
author = {Quintais, J. and Appelman, N. and Fahy, R.},
url = {https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4286147
https://osf.io/f2n7m/},
year = {2022},
date = {2022-11-25},
journal = {German Law Journal},
abstract = {Large online platforms provide an unprecedented means for exercising freedom of expression online and wield enormous power over public participation in the online democratic space. However, it is increasingly clear that their systems, where (automated) content moderation decisions are taken based on a platform's terms and conditions (T\&Cs), are fundamentally broken. Content moderation systems have been said to undermine freedom of expression, especially where important public interest speech ends up suppressed, such as speech by minority and marginalized groups. Indeed, these content moderation systems have been criticized for their overly vague rules of operation, inconsistent enforcement, and an overdependence on automation. Therefore, in order to better protect freedom of expression online, international human rights bodies and civil society organizations have argued that platforms “should incorporate directly” principles of fundamental rights law into their T\&Cs. Under EU law, and apart from a rule in the Terrorist Content Regulation, platforms had until recently no explicit obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their T\&Cs. However, an important provision in the Digital Services Act (DSA) will change this. Crucially, Article 14 DSA lays down new rules on how platforms can enforce their T\&Cs, including that platforms must have “due regard” to the “fundamental rights” of users under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this article, we critically examine the topic of enforceability of fundamental rights via T\&Cs through the prism of Article 14 DSA. We ask whether this provision requires platforms to apply EU fundamental rights law and to what extent this may curb the power of Big Tech over online speech. We conclude that Article 14 will make it possible, in principle, to establish the indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights in the relationship between online platforms and their users. But in order for the application and enforcement of T\&Cs to take due regard of fundamental rights, Article 14 must be operationalized within the framework of the international and European fundamental rights standards, and therefore allowing Article 14 to fulfil its revolutionary potential.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {forthcoming},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Large online platforms provide an unprecedented means for exercising freedom of expression online and wield enormous power over public participation in the online democratic space. However, it is increasingly clear that their systems, where (automated) content moderation decisions are taken based on a platform's terms and conditions (T&Cs), are fundamentally broken. Content moderation systems have been said to undermine freedom of expression, especially where important public interest speech ends up suppressed, such as speech by minority and marginalized groups. Indeed, these content moderation systems have been criticized for their overly vague rules of operation, inconsistent enforcement, and an overdependence on automation. Therefore, in order to better protect freedom of expression online, international human rights bodies and civil society organizations have argued that platforms “should incorporate directly” principles of fundamental rights law into their T&Cs. Under EU law, and apart from a rule in the Terrorist Content Regulation, platforms had until recently no explicit obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their T&Cs. However, an important provision in the Digital Services Act (DSA) will change this. Crucially, Article 14 DSA lays down new rules on how platforms can enforce their T&Cs, including that platforms must have “due regard” to the “fundamental rights” of users under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this article, we critically examine the topic of enforceability of fundamental rights via T&Cs through the prism of Article 14 DSA. We ask whether this provision requires platforms to apply EU fundamental rights law and to what extent this may curb the power of Big Tech over online speech. We conclude that Article 14 will make it possible, in principle, to establish the indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights in the relationship between online platforms and their users. But in order for the application and enforcement of T&Cs to take due regard of fundamental rights, Article 14 must be operationalized within the framework of the international and European fundamental rights standards, and therefore allowing Article 14 to fulfil its revolutionary potential. |
Appelman, N., Buri, I., Fahy, R., Quintais, J., Straub, M., van Hoboken, J. The DSA has been published – now the difficult bit begins In: Verfassungsblog, 2022. @article{nokey,
title = {The DSA has been published \textendash now the difficult bit begins},
author = {van Hoboken, J. and Buri, I. and Quintais, J. and Fahy, R. and Appelman, N. and Straub, M.},
url = {https://verfassungsblog.de/dsa-published/},
doi = {10.17176/20221031-095722-0},
year = {2022},
date = {2022-10-31},
urldate = {2022-10-31},
journal = {Verfassungsblog},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
|
Brogi, E., Fahy, R., Idiz, D., Irion, K., Meiring, A., Parcu, P.L., Poort, J., Seipp, T., Verza, S. et. al. Study on media plurality and diversity online 2022, ISBN: 978-92-76-51323-0, (Report commissioned by European Commission, Directorate-General for Communications Networks, Content and Technology, written by Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), European University Institute, CiTiP (Centre for Information Technology and Intellectual Property) of KU Leuven, Institute for Information Law of the University of Amsterdam (IViR/UvA), Vrije Universiteit Brussels (Studies in Media, Innovation and Technology, VUB- SMIT)). @techreport{nokey,
title = {Study on media plurality and diversity online},
author = {Parcu, P.L. and Brogi, E. and Verza, S. et. al. and Irion, K. and Fahy, R. and Idiz, D. and Meiring, A. and Seipp, T. and Poort, J.
},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/study-on-media-plurality-and-diversity-online/
https://data.europa.eu/doi/10.2759/529019},
doi = {10.2759/529019},
isbn = {978-92-76-51323-0},
year = {2022},
date = {2022-09-16},
urldate = {2022-09-16},
publisher = {Publications Office of the European Union},
abstract = {The Study on Media Plurality and Diversity Online investigates the value of safeguarding media pluralism and diversity online, focusing on (i) the prominence and discoverability of general interest content and services, and on (ii) market plurality and the concentration of economic resources. With a focus on Europe, the project is funded by a tender from the European Commission to produce a study on Media Plurality and Diversity Online and involves four partner universities: CMPF (EUI); CiTiP (Centre for Information Technology and Intellectual Property) of KU Leuven; the Institute for Information Law of the University of Amsterdam (IViR/UvA); imec-SMIT-Vrije Universiteit Brussel. The purpose of the assignment was to describe, analyse and evaluate the existing regulatory and business practices in the two areas mentioned above, and finally to elaborate some policy recommendations. Data were collected from the database of the Media Pluralism Monitor (CMPF) and through desk research, online consultations and interviews with stakeholders. The contractor was able to call on a network of national experts across the Member States to support this work.},
note = {Report commissioned by European Commission, Directorate-General for Communications Networks, Content and Technology, written by Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), European University Institute, CiTiP (Centre for Information Technology and Intellectual Property) of KU Leuven, Institute for Information Law of the University of Amsterdam (IViR/UvA), Vrije Universiteit Brussels (Studies in Media, Innovation and Technology, VUB- SMIT)},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
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}
The Study on Media Plurality and Diversity Online investigates the value of safeguarding media pluralism and diversity online, focusing on (i) the prominence and discoverability of general interest content and services, and on (ii) market plurality and the concentration of economic resources. With a focus on Europe, the project is funded by a tender from the European Commission to produce a study on Media Plurality and Diversity Online and involves four partner universities: CMPF (EUI); CiTiP (Centre for Information Technology and Intellectual Property) of KU Leuven; the Institute for Information Law of the University of Amsterdam (IViR/UvA); imec-SMIT-Vrije Universiteit Brussel. The purpose of the assignment was to describe, analyse and evaluate the existing regulatory and business practices in the two areas mentioned above, and finally to elaborate some policy recommendations. Data were collected from the database of the Media Pluralism Monitor (CMPF) and through desk research, online consultations and interviews with stakeholders. The contractor was able to call on a network of national experts across the Member States to support this work. |
Buri, I., Chapman, M., Culloty, E., Drunen, M. van, Fahy, R., Giannopoulou, A., Gil González, E., Heuvelhof, C. ten, Meiring, A., Strycharz, J. New actors and risks in online advertising 2022, ISSN: 2079-1062, (IRIS Special 2022-1, European Audiovisual Observatory, Strasbourg). @techreport{nokey,
title = {New actors and risks in online advertising},
author = {Drunen, M. van and Buri, I. and Chapman, M. and Culloty, E. and Fahy, R. and Giannopoulou, A. and Gil Gonz\'{a}lez, E. and Meiring, A. and Strycharz, J. and Heuvelhof, C. ten},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/iris_special_1_2022/
https://rm.coe.int/iris-special-1-2022en-online-advertising/1680a744d7?c=199\&traversed=1},
issn = {2079-1062},
year = {2022},
date = {2022-09-01},
note = {IRIS Special 2022-1, European Audiovisual Observatory, Strasbourg},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
|
Dobber, T., Fahy, R., Shires, J., Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. Microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors: An interdisciplinary exploration In: Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law, pp. 856-877, 2022, (MJ, vol. 28, nr. 6, 2021). @article{nokey,
title = {Microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors: An interdisciplinary exploration},
author = {Fahy, R. and Dobber, T. and Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. and Shires, J.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/MaastrichtJournalofEuropeanandComparativeLaw_2021_6.pdf},
doi = {10.1177/1023263X211042471},
year = {2022},
date = {2022-01-25},
urldate = {2021-12-31},
journal = {Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law},
pages = {856-877},
abstract = {This article discusses a problem that has received scant attention in literature: microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors. Microtargeting involves collecting information about people, and using that information to show them targeted political advertisements. Such microtargeting enables advertisers to target ads to specific groups of people, for instance people who visit certain websites, forums, or Facebook groups. This article focuses on one type of microtargeting: microtargeting by foreign actors. For example, Russia has targeted certain groups in the US with ads, aiming to sow discord. Foreign actors could also try to influence European elections, for instance by advertising in favour of a certain political party. Foreign propaganda possibilities existed before microtargeting. This article explores two questions. In what ways, if any, is microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors different from other foreign propaganda? What could lawmakers in Europe do to mitigate the risks of microtargeted propaganda?},
note = {MJ, vol. 28, nr. 6, 2021},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article discusses a problem that has received scant attention in literature: microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors. Microtargeting involves collecting information about people, and using that information to show them targeted political advertisements. Such microtargeting enables advertisers to target ads to specific groups of people, for instance people who visit certain websites, forums, or Facebook groups. This article focuses on one type of microtargeting: microtargeting by foreign actors. For example, Russia has targeted certain groups in the US with ads, aiming to sow discord. Foreign actors could also try to influence European elections, for instance by advertising in favour of a certain political party. Foreign propaganda possibilities existed before microtargeting. This article explores two questions. In what ways, if any, is microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors different from other foreign propaganda? What could lawmakers in Europe do to mitigate the risks of microtargeted propaganda? |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., van Hoboken, J. Social Welfare, Risk Profiling and Fundamental Rights: The Case of SyRI in the Netherlands In: JIPITEC, vol. 12, no. 4, pp. 257-271, 2021. @article{nokey,
title = {Social Welfare, Risk Profiling and Fundamental Rights: The Case of SyRI in the Netherlands},
author = {Appelman, N. and Fahy, R. and van Hoboken, J.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/jipitec_2021_4.pdf
https://www.jipitec.eu/issues/jipitec-12-4-2021/5407},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-12-16},
journal = {JIPITEC},
volume = {12},
number = {4},
pages = {257-271},
abstract = {This article discusses the use of automated decisioning-making (ADM) systems by public administrative bodies, particularly systems designed to combat social-welfare fraud, from a European fundamental rights law perspective. The article begins by outlining the emerging fundamental rights issues in relation to ADM systems used by public administrative bodies. Building upon this, the article critically analyses a recent landmark judgment from the Netherlands and uses this as a case study for discussion of the application of fundamental rights law to ADM systems by public authorities more generally. In the so-called SyRI judgment, the District Court of The Hague held that a controversial automated welfare-fraud detection system (SyRI), which allows the linking and analysing of data from an array of government agencies to generate fraud-risk reports on people, violated the right to private life, guaranteed under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The Court held that SyRI was insufficiently transparent, and contained insufficient safeguards, to protect the right to privacy, in violation of Article 8 ECHR. This was one of the first times an ADM system being used by welfare authorities has been halted on the basis of Article 8 ECHR. The article critically analyses the SyRI judgment from a fundamental rights perspective, including by examining how the Court brought principles contained in the General Data Protection Regulation within the rubric of Article 8 ECHR as well as the importance the Court attaches to the principle of transparency under Article 8 ECHR. Finally, the article discusses how the Dutch government responded to the judgment. and discusses proposed new legislation, which is arguably more invasive, with the article concluding with some lessons that can be drawn for the broader policy and legal debate on ADM systems used by public authorities. implications.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article discusses the use of automated decisioning-making (ADM) systems by public administrative bodies, particularly systems designed to combat social-welfare fraud, from a European fundamental rights law perspective. The article begins by outlining the emerging fundamental rights issues in relation to ADM systems used by public administrative bodies. Building upon this, the article critically analyses a recent landmark judgment from the Netherlands and uses this as a case study for discussion of the application of fundamental rights law to ADM systems by public authorities more generally. In the so-called SyRI judgment, the District Court of The Hague held that a controversial automated welfare-fraud detection system (SyRI), which allows the linking and analysing of data from an array of government agencies to generate fraud-risk reports on people, violated the right to private life, guaranteed under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The Court held that SyRI was insufficiently transparent, and contained insufficient safeguards, to protect the right to privacy, in violation of Article 8 ECHR. This was one of the first times an ADM system being used by welfare authorities has been halted on the basis of Article 8 ECHR. The article critically analyses the SyRI judgment from a fundamental rights perspective, including by examining how the Court brought principles contained in the General Data Protection Regulation within the rubric of Article 8 ECHR as well as the importance the Court attaches to the principle of transparency under Article 8 ECHR. Finally, the article discusses how the Dutch government responded to the judgment. and discusses proposed new legislation, which is arguably more invasive, with the article concluding with some lessons that can be drawn for the broader policy and legal debate on ADM systems used by public authorities. implications. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Helberger, N. The perils of legally defining disinformation In: Internet Policy Review, vol. 10, no. 4, 2021. @article{nokey,
title = {The perils of legally defining disinformation},
author = {Fahy, R. and Helberger, N. and Appelman, N.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/InternetPolicyReview_2021.pdf},
doi = {10.14763/2021.4.1584},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-11-12},
journal = {Internet Policy Review},
volume = {10},
number = {4},
abstract = {EU policy considers disinformation to be harmful content, rather than illegal content. However, EU member states have recently been making disinformation illegal. This article discusses the definitions that form the basis of EU disinformation policy, and analyses national legislation in EU member states applicable to the definitions of disinformation, in light of freedom of expression and the proposed Digital Services Act. The article discusses the perils of defining disinformation in EU legislation, and including provisions on online platforms being required to remove illegal content, which may end up being applicable to overbroad national laws criminalising false news and false information.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
EU policy considers disinformation to be harmful content, rather than illegal content. However, EU member states have recently been making disinformation illegal. This article discusses the definitions that form the basis of EU disinformation policy, and analyses national legislation in EU member states applicable to the definitions of disinformation, in light of freedom of expression and the proposed Digital Services Act. The article discusses the perils of defining disinformation in EU legislation, and including provisions on online platforms being required to remove illegal content, which may end up being applicable to overbroad national laws criminalising false news and false information. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Quintais, J. Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation: Is Article 12 DSA a Paper Tiger? Verfassungsblog, (Ed.): Verfassungsblog 2021. @online{Appelman2021,
title = {Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation: Is Article 12 DSA a Paper Tiger?},
author = {Appelman, N. and Quintais, J. and Fahy, R.},
editor = {Verfassungsblog},
url = {https://verfassungsblog.de/power-dsa-dma-06/},
doi = {10.17176/20210901-233103-0.},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-09-01},
organization = {Verfassungsblog},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {online}
}
|
Fahy, R., van Hoboken, J. Smartphone platforms as privacy regulators In: Computer Law & Security Review, vol. 41, 2021. @article{vanHoboken2021b,
title = {Smartphone platforms as privacy regulators},
author = {van Hoboken, J. and Fahy, R.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/Smartphone-platforms-as-privacy-regulators.pdf},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.clsr.2021.105557},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-06-10},
journal = {Computer Law \& Security Review},
volume = {41},
abstract = {A series of recent developments highlight the increasingly important role of online platforms in impacting data privacy in today's digital economy. Revelations and parliamentary hearings about privacy violations in Facebook's app and service partner ecosystem, EU Court of Justice judgments on joint responsibility of platforms and platform users, and the rise of smartphone app ecosystems where app behaviour is governed by app distribution platforms and operating systems, all show that platform policies can make or break the enjoyment of privacy by users. In this article, we examine these developments and explore the question of what can and should be the role of platforms in protecting data privacy of their users.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
A series of recent developments highlight the increasingly important role of online platforms in impacting data privacy in today's digital economy. Revelations and parliamentary hearings about privacy violations in Facebook's app and service partner ecosystem, EU Court of Justice judgments on joint responsibility of platforms and platform users, and the rise of smartphone app ecosystems where app behaviour is governed by app distribution platforms and operating systems, all show that platform policies can make or break the enjoyment of privacy by users. In this article, we examine these developments and explore the question of what can and should be the role of platforms in protecting data privacy of their users. |
Fahy, R., van Hoboken, J. Regulating Disinformation in Europe: Implications for Speech and Privacy In: UC Irvine Journal of International, Transnational, and Comparative Law, vol. 6, no. 1, pp. 9-36, 2021. @article{vanHoboken2021,
title = {Regulating Disinformation in Europe: Implications for Speech and Privacy},
author = {van Hoboken, J. and Fahy, R.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/Regulating-Disinformation-in-Europe.pdf},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-06-01},
journal = {UC Irvine Journal of International, Transnational, and Comparative Law},
volume = {6},
number = {1},
pages = {9-36},
abstract = {This Article examines the ongoing dynamics in the regulation of disinformation in Europe, focusing on the intersection between the right to
freedom of expression and the right to privacy. Importantly, there has been a recent wave of regulatory measures and other forms of pressure on online platforms to tackle disinformation in Europe. These measures play out in different ways at the intersection of the right to freedom of expression and the right to privacy. Crucially, as governments, journalists, and researchers seek greater transparency and access to information from online platforms to evaluate their impact on the health of their democracies, these measures raise acute issues related to user privacy. Indeed, platforms that once refused to cooperate with governments in identifying users allegedly responsible for disseminating illegal or harmful content are now expanding cooperation. However, while platforms are increasingly facilitating government access to user data, platforms are also invoking data protection law concerns as a shield in response to recent efforts at increased platform transparency. At
the same time, data protection law provides for one of the main systemic regulatory safeguards in Europe. It protects user autonomy concerning datadriven campaigns, requiring transparency for internet audiences about targeting and data subject rights in relation to audience platforms, such as social media companies.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This Article examines the ongoing dynamics in the regulation of disinformation in Europe, focusing on the intersection between the right to
freedom of expression and the right to privacy. Importantly, there has been a recent wave of regulatory measures and other forms of pressure on online platforms to tackle disinformation in Europe. These measures play out in different ways at the intersection of the right to freedom of expression and the right to privacy. Crucially, as governments, journalists, and researchers seek greater transparency and access to information from online platforms to evaluate their impact on the health of their democracies, these measures raise acute issues related to user privacy. Indeed, platforms that once refused to cooperate with governments in identifying users allegedly responsible for disseminating illegal or harmful content are now expanding cooperation. However, while platforms are increasingly facilitating government access to user data, platforms are also invoking data protection law concerns as a shield in response to recent efforts at increased platform transparency. At
the same time, data protection law provides for one of the main systemic regulatory safeguards in Europe. It protects user autonomy concerning datadriven campaigns, requiring transparency for internet audiences about targeting and data subject rights in relation to audience platforms, such as social media companies. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Quintais, J. Article 12 DSA: Will platforms be required to apply EU fundamental rights in content moderation decisions? DSA Observatory 2021. @online{Quintais2021f,
title = {Article 12 DSA: Will platforms be required to apply EU fundamental rights in content moderation decisions? },
author = {Quintais, J. and Appelman, N. and Fahy, R.},
url = {https://dsa-observatory.eu/2021/05/31/article-12-dsa-will-platforms-be-required-to-apply-eu-fundamental-rights-in-content-moderation-decisions/},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-05-31},
organization = {DSA Observatory},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {online}
}
|
Betzel, M., Fahy, R., Helberger, N., Marrazzo, F., Matějka, S., Nyakas, L., Papp, J. Notions of Disinformation and Related Concepts 2020, (ERGA report). @techreport{Betzel2020,
title = {Notions of Disinformation and Related Concepts },
author = {Betzel, M. and Fahy, R. and Helberger, N. and Marrazzo, F. and Matv{e}jka, S. and Nyakas, L. and Papp, J.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/ERGA-SG2-Report-2020-Notions-of-disinformation-and-related-concepts.pdf},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-12-11},
abstract = {Previous work of the European Regulators Group for Audiovisual Media Services (ERGA) has shown that the definitions used by the European Commission, Member States and online platforms for the different phenomena of disinformation deviate and should be further clarified in order to ensure a consistent approach. The aim of this Report is to provide for clearer and more uniform definitions of disinformation to ensure optimal guidance to all actors involved and contribute to more consistency within the national approaches. The Report also aims to assist in coming to clearer definitions and ensure more consistency and uniformity regarding the notions of political advertising and issue-based advertising. The information for this report was collected through various means including an examination of existing academic research, interviews with relevant stakeholders, particularly from the civil society and media. The scope of the survey was not limited to the single notion of disinformation but also covered concepts that are usually associated with disinformation such as misinformation, malinformation, fake news, false news, false information, and foreign influence operations. Information was collected on definitions, interpretations, and understandings of disinformation and related concepts available in the legislation and other regulation including (self-regulatory) codes and guidelines of ERGA members and observers. The Report concludes with identifying key relevant elements and characteristics of the notions of disinformation, political advertising, and related concepts, and includes recommendations to assist in coming to clearer definitions regarding disinformation, political advertising and issue-based advertising.},
note = {ERGA report},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
Previous work of the European Regulators Group for Audiovisual Media Services (ERGA) has shown that the definitions used by the European Commission, Member States and online platforms for the different phenomena of disinformation deviate and should be further clarified in order to ensure a consistent approach. The aim of this Report is to provide for clearer and more uniform definitions of disinformation to ensure optimal guidance to all actors involved and contribute to more consistency within the national approaches. The Report also aims to assist in coming to clearer definitions and ensure more consistency and uniformity regarding the notions of political advertising and issue-based advertising. The information for this report was collected through various means including an examination of existing academic research, interviews with relevant stakeholders, particularly from the civil society and media. The scope of the survey was not limited to the single notion of disinformation but also covered concepts that are usually associated with disinformation such as misinformation, malinformation, fake news, false news, false information, and foreign influence operations. Information was collected on definitions, interpretations, and understandings of disinformation and related concepts available in the legislation and other regulation including (self-regulatory) codes and guidelines of ERGA members and observers. The Report concludes with identifying key relevant elements and characteristics of the notions of disinformation, political advertising, and related concepts, and includes recommendations to assist in coming to clearer definitions regarding disinformation, political advertising and issue-based advertising. |
Appelman, N., Blom, T., van Duin, A., Fahy, R., Helberger, N., Steel, M., Stringhi, E., van Hoboken, J., Zarouali, B. WODC-onderzoek: Voorziening voor verzoeken tot snelle verwijdering van onrechtmatige online content 2020. @techreport{vanHoboken2020d,
title = {WODC-onderzoek: Voorziening voor verzoeken tot snelle verwijdering van onrechtmatige online content},
author = {van Hoboken, J. and Appelman, N. and van Duin, A. and Blom, T. and Zarouali, B. and Fahy, R. and Steel, M. and Stringhi, E. and Helberger, N.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/WODC_voorziening_onrechtmatige_content.pdf},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-11-12},
abstract = {Dit onderzoek is uitgegeven als onderdeel van het speerpunt van de Minister voor Rechtsbescherming om de positie van slachtoffers van onrechtmatige uitingen op het internet te verbeteren. Aanleiding is dat het voor mensen als te moeilijk ervaren wordt om onrechtmatige online content snel verwijderd te krijgen. Dit rapport biedt inzicht in de juridische en praktische haalbaarheid van een voorziening voor de verwijdering van onrechtmatige online content die mensen persoonlijk raakt. Onrechtmatige content is informatie, door mensen op het internet geplaatst, die in strijd is met het recht, vanwege de schadelijke gevolgen ervan en/of omdat de belangen van anderen daardoor op ernstige wijze worden aangetast. Hierbij moet, bijvoorbeeld, gedacht worden aan bedreigingen, privacy-inbreuken of wraakporno. Het doel van de onderzochte voorziening is om mensen in staat te stellen deze onrechtmatige online content zo snel mogelijk te verwijderen. Het onderzoek focust op onrechtmatige online content die mensen in hun persoon raakt en daarmee onder het recht op priv\'{e}leven uit artikel 8 Europees Verdrag voor de Rechten van de Mens (“EVRM”) valt.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
Dit onderzoek is uitgegeven als onderdeel van het speerpunt van de Minister voor Rechtsbescherming om de positie van slachtoffers van onrechtmatige uitingen op het internet te verbeteren. Aanleiding is dat het voor mensen als te moeilijk ervaren wordt om onrechtmatige online content snel verwijderd te krijgen. Dit rapport biedt inzicht in de juridische en praktische haalbaarheid van een voorziening voor de verwijdering van onrechtmatige online content die mensen persoonlijk raakt. Onrechtmatige content is informatie, door mensen op het internet geplaatst, die in strijd is met het recht, vanwege de schadelijke gevolgen ervan en/of omdat de belangen van anderen daardoor op ernstige wijze worden aangetast. Hierbij moet, bijvoorbeeld, gedacht worden aan bedreigingen, privacy-inbreuken of wraakporno. Het doel van de onderzochte voorziening is om mensen in staat te stellen deze onrechtmatige online content zo snel mogelijk te verwijderen. Het onderzoek focust op onrechtmatige online content die mensen in hun persoon raakt en daarmee onder het recht op privéleven uit artikel 8 Europees Verdrag voor de Rechten van de Mens (“EVRM”) valt. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R. Netherlands/Research In: pp. 164-175, 2020, (Chapter in: Report Automating Society 2020, Chiusi, F., Fischer, S., Kayser-Bril, N. & Spielkamp, M. eds., Berlin: AlgorithmWatch, October 2020.). @inbook{Fahy2020b,
title = {Netherlands/Research},
author = {Fahy, R. and Appelman, N.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/Automating-Society-Report-2020.pdf
https://automatingsociety.algorithmwatch.org/},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-10-29},
pages = {164-175},
abstract = {How are AI-based systems being used by private companies and public authorities in Europe? The new report by AlgorithmWatch and Bertelsmann Stiftung sheds light on what role automated decision-making (ADM) systems play in our lives. As a result of the most comprehensive research on the issue conducted in Europe so far, the report covers the current use of and policy debates around ADM systems in 16 European countries and at EU level.},
note = {Chapter in: Report Automating Society 2020, Chiusi, F., Fischer, S., Kayser-Bril, N. \& Spielkamp, M. eds., Berlin: AlgorithmWatch, October 2020.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
How are AI-based systems being used by private companies and public authorities in Europe? The new report by AlgorithmWatch and Bertelsmann Stiftung sheds light on what role automated decision-making (ADM) systems play in our lives. As a result of the most comprehensive research on the issue conducted in Europe so far, the report covers the current use of and policy debates around ADM systems in 16 European countries and at EU level. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R. Netherlands In: 2020, (Chapter in: F. Chiusi, S. Fischer, & M. Spielkamp (eds.), Automated Decision-Making Systems in the COVID-19 Pandemic: A European Perspective, AlgorithmWatch, 2020). @inbook{Appelman2020b,
title = {Netherlands},
author = {Appelman, N. and Fahy, R.},
url = {https://algorithmwatch.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/ADM-systems-in-the-Covid-19-pandemic-Report-by-AW-BSt-Sept-2020.pdf},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-09-01},
abstract = {Contact tracing apps for smartphones, thermal scanners, face recognition technology: high hopes have been placed by both local administrations and national governments in applications and devices like these, aimed at containing the outbreak of the virus. The new publication Automated Decision-Making Systems in the COVID-19 Pandemic: A European Perspective gathers detailed examples of ADM systems in use, compiled by a network of researchers covering 16 countries. It provides an initial mapping and exploration of ADM systems implemented throughout Europe as a consequence of the COVID-19 outbreak.},
note = {Chapter in: F. Chiusi, S. Fischer, \& M. Spielkamp (eds.), Automated Decision-Making Systems in the COVID-19 Pandemic: A European Perspective, AlgorithmWatch, 2020},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
Contact tracing apps for smartphones, thermal scanners, face recognition technology: high hopes have been placed by both local administrations and national governments in applications and devices like these, aimed at containing the outbreak of the virus. The new publication Automated Decision-Making Systems in the COVID-19 Pandemic: A European Perspective gathers detailed examples of ADM systems in use, compiled by a network of researchers covering 16 countries. It provides an initial mapping and exploration of ADM systems implemented throughout Europe as a consequence of the COVID-19 outbreak. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Toh, J., van Hoboken, J. Techno-optimism and solutionism as a crisis response In: 2020, (Chapter in L. Taylor, G. Sharma, A. Martin, and S. Jameson (eds.), Data Justice and COVID-19: Global Perspectives, Meatspace Press, 2020)). @inbook{Appelman2020,
title = {Techno-optimism and solutionism as a crisis response},
author = {Appelman, N. and Toh, J. and Fahy, R. and van Hoboken, J.},
url = {https://pure.uva.nl/admin/files/49662485/Data_Justice_and_COVID_19.pdf},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-08-27},
abstract = {The COVID-19 pandemic has reshaped how social, economic, and political power is created, exerted, and extended through technology. Through case studies from around the world, this book analyses the ways in which technologies of monitoring infections, information, and behaviour have been applied and justified during the emergency, what their side-effects have been, and what kinds of resistance they have met.},
note = {Chapter in L. Taylor, G. Sharma, A. Martin, and S. Jameson (eds.), Data Justice and COVID-19: Global Perspectives, Meatspace Press, 2020)},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
The COVID-19 pandemic has reshaped how social, economic, and political power is created, exerted, and extended through technology. Through case studies from around the world, this book analyses the ways in which technologies of monitoring infections, information, and behaviour have been applied and justified during the emergency, what their side-effects have been, and what kinds of resistance they have met. |
Bouchè, G., Fahy, R., McGonagle, T., Rucz, M., Sangen, A, van der, Seel, M., Stapel, S. Safety of journalists and the fighting of corruption in the EU 2020, (Prof. dr. T. McGonagle - Project Leader - European Parliament - Policy Department for Citizen's Rights and Constitutional Affairs - Directorate-General for Internal Policies - July 2020). @techreport{McGonagle2020f,
title = {Safety of journalists and the fighting of corruption in the EU},
author = {McGonagle, T. and Fahy, R. and Bouch\`{e}, G. and Rucz, M. and Stapel, S. and Seel, M. and Sangen, A, van der},
url = {https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2020/655187/IPOL_STU(2020)655187_EN.pdf},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-07-30},
abstract = {Journalism and journalists face a growing range of threats, including violence and harassment; the misuse of defamation and other laws against them, and restrictive measures on freedom of information and expression adopted in response to the Covid-19 crisis. States must ensure a safe and favourable environment for journalists to perform their public watchdog function. This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, examines the overall chilling effect of crimes and threats against journalists and explores various regulatory and other measures to counter them.
This report was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs.},
note = {Prof. dr. T. McGonagle - Project Leader - European Parliament - Policy Department for Citizen's Rights and Constitutional Affairs - Directorate-General for Internal Policies - July 2020},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
Journalism and journalists face a growing range of threats, including violence and harassment; the misuse of defamation and other laws against them, and restrictive measures on freedom of information and expression adopted in response to the Covid-19 crisis. States must ensure a safe and favourable environment for journalists to perform their public watchdog function. This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, examines the overall chilling effect of crimes and threats against journalists and explores various regulatory and other measures to counter them.
This report was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Helberger, N., Leerssen, P., McGonagle, T., van Eijk, N., van Hoboken, J. Het juridisch kader voor de verspreiding van desinformatie via internetdiensten en de regulering van politieke advertenties 2020, (Rapport voor het ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties, Amsterdam, december 2019). @techreport{vanHoboken2020b,
title = {Het juridisch kader voor de verspreiding van desinformatie via internetdiensten en de regulering van politieke advertenties},
author = {van Hoboken, J. and Appelman, N. and Fahy, R. and Leerssen, P. and McGonagle, T. and van Eijk, N. and Helberger, N.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/Rapport_desinformatie_december2019.pdf
https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/Kamerbrief_desinformatie.pdf},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-05-14},
abstract = {Het onderzoek, uitgevoerd in opdracht van het Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties, analyseert het juridisch kader van toepassing op de verspreiding van desinformatie via online diensten. Het rapport biedt een uitgebreid overzicht van de relevante Europese en Nederlandse normen en doet aanbevelingen voor de verbetering van dit juridisch kader. Het onderzoek bevat daarnaast ook een analyse van het relevant wettelijke kader in de V.S., het V.K, Frankrijk, Duitsland, Canada en Zweden.
Het rapport maakt duidelijk hoe de vrijheid van meningsuiting als rode draad door het wettelijke kader loopt. Dit fundamentele recht vormt zowel de buitenste grens voor regulering als een basis voor nieuwe maatregelen, bijvoorbeeld voor de bescherming van pluralisme. Het wettelijk kader van toepassing op desinformatie blijkt zeer breed, bevat verschillende reguleringsniveaus, verschuift afhankelijk van de specifieke context en omvat vele al bestaande normen voor de regulering van specifieke typen desinformatie. Verder blijkt het toezicht op dit wettelijk kader vrij gefragmenteerd te zijn. Op basis van deze analyse komt het rapport tot aan aantal aanbevelingen. De aanbevelingen hebben onder andere betrekking op het gebruik van de term desinformatie als beleidsterm, het omgaan met de spanningen op de verschillende beleidsniveaus, de regulering van internettussenpersonen door middel van transparantie verplichtingen en de samenwerking tussen de verschillende toezichthouders.
Voorafgaand aan deze eindrapportage is in eind 2019 het interim-rapport gepubliceerd. Dit rapport focuste op de relatie tussen desinformatie en online politieke advertenties. Beide studies zijn onderdeel van het onderzoeksproject ‘Digital Transition of Decision-Making at the Faculty of Law of the University of Amsterdam’ dat zich buigt over vraagstukken gerelateerd aan kunstmatige intelligentie en publieke waarden, data governance, en online platforms. },
note = {Rapport voor het ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties, Amsterdam, december 2019},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
Het onderzoek, uitgevoerd in opdracht van het Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties, analyseert het juridisch kader van toepassing op de verspreiding van desinformatie via online diensten. Het rapport biedt een uitgebreid overzicht van de relevante Europese en Nederlandse normen en doet aanbevelingen voor de verbetering van dit juridisch kader. Het onderzoek bevat daarnaast ook een analyse van het relevant wettelijke kader in de V.S., het V.K, Frankrijk, Duitsland, Canada en Zweden.
Het rapport maakt duidelijk hoe de vrijheid van meningsuiting als rode draad door het wettelijke kader loopt. Dit fundamentele recht vormt zowel de buitenste grens voor regulering als een basis voor nieuwe maatregelen, bijvoorbeeld voor de bescherming van pluralisme. Het wettelijk kader van toepassing op desinformatie blijkt zeer breed, bevat verschillende reguleringsniveaus, verschuift afhankelijk van de specifieke context en omvat vele al bestaande normen voor de regulering van specifieke typen desinformatie. Verder blijkt het toezicht op dit wettelijk kader vrij gefragmenteerd te zijn. Op basis van deze analyse komt het rapport tot aan aantal aanbevelingen. De aanbevelingen hebben onder andere betrekking op het gebruik van de term desinformatie als beleidsterm, het omgaan met de spanningen op de verschillende beleidsniveaus, de regulering van internettussenpersonen door middel van transparantie verplichtingen en de samenwerking tussen de verschillende toezichthouders.
Voorafgaand aan deze eindrapportage is in eind 2019 het interim-rapport gepubliceerd. Dit rapport focuste op de relatie tussen desinformatie en online politieke advertenties. Beide studies zijn onderdeel van het onderzoeksproject ‘Digital Transition of Decision-Making at the Faculty of Law of the University of Amsterdam’ dat zich buigt over vraagstukken gerelateerd aan kunstmatige intelligentie en publieke waarden, data governance, en online platforms. |
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Helberger, N., Leerssen, P., McGonagle, T., van Eijk, N., van Hoboken, J. The legal framework on the dissemination of disinformation through Internet services and the regulation of political advertising 2020, (A report for the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations, Amsterdam, December 2019). @techreport{vanHoboken2020c,
title = {The legal framework on the dissemination of disinformation through Internet services and the regulation of political advertising},
author = {van Hoboken, J. and Appelman, N. and Fahy, R. and Leerssen, P. and McGonagle, T. and van Eijk, N. and Helberger, N.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/Report_Disinformation_Dec2019-1.pdf},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-05-14},
abstract = {The study, commissioned by the Dutch government, focusses on the legal framework governing the dissemination of disinformation, in particular through Internet services. The study provides an extensive overview of relevant European and Dutch legal norms relating to the spread of online disinformation, and recommendations are given on how to improve this framework. Additionally, the study includes an analysis of the relevant legal framework in 6 different countries (U.K., U.S., France, Germany, Sweden and Canada).
The report makes clear how the freedom of expression runs as a central theme through the legal framework, both forming the outer limit for possible regulation and a legal basis to create new regulation (e.g. protecting pluralism). The legal framework governing disinformation online is shown to be very broad, encompassing different levels of regulation, shifting depending on the context and already regulating many different types of disinformation. Further, oversight seems to be fragmented with many different supervisory authorities involved but limited cooperation. Based on this analysis, the report offers several recommendations, such as on the use of disinformation not as a legal term but a policy term, on negotiating the tensions on the different policy levels, on the regulation of internet intermediaries including transparency obligations and on increased cooperation between the relevant supervisory authorities.
Previously, the interim report focussing on political advertising was published in late 2019. Both these studies have been carried out in the context of the research initiative on the Digital Transition of Decision-Making at the Faculty of Law of the University of Amsterdam, focussing on questions related to AI and public values, data governance and online platforms.},
note = {A report for the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations, Amsterdam, December 2019},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
The study, commissioned by the Dutch government, focusses on the legal framework governing the dissemination of disinformation, in particular through Internet services. The study provides an extensive overview of relevant European and Dutch legal norms relating to the spread of online disinformation, and recommendations are given on how to improve this framework. Additionally, the study includes an analysis of the relevant legal framework in 6 different countries (U.K., U.S., France, Germany, Sweden and Canada).
The report makes clear how the freedom of expression runs as a central theme through the legal framework, both forming the outer limit for possible regulation and a legal basis to create new regulation (e.g. protecting pluralism). The legal framework governing disinformation online is shown to be very broad, encompassing different levels of regulation, shifting depending on the context and already regulating many different types of disinformation. Further, oversight seems to be fragmented with many different supervisory authorities involved but limited cooperation. Based on this analysis, the report offers several recommendations, such as on the use of disinformation not as a legal term but a policy term, on negotiating the tensions on the different policy levels, on the regulation of internet intermediaries including transparency obligations and on increased cooperation between the relevant supervisory authorities.
Previously, the interim report focussing on political advertising was published in late 2019. Both these studies have been carried out in the context of the research initiative on the Digital Transition of Decision-Making at the Faculty of Law of the University of Amsterdam, focussing on questions related to AI and public values, data governance and online platforms. |
Fahy, R., Voorhoof, D. Journalist and editor’s conviction for incitement to religious hatred violated Article 10 2020. @online{Fahy2020,
title = {Journalist and editor’s conviction for incitement to religious hatred violated Article 10},
author = {Fahy, R. and Voorhoof, D.},
url = {http://www.mediareport.nl/persrecht/21012020/journalist-and-editors-conviction-for-incitement-to-religious-hatred-violated-article-10/},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-01-23},
journal = {Media Report},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {online}
}
|
Dobber, T., Fahy, R., Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. The regulation of online political micro-targeting in Europe In: Internet Policy Review, vol. 8, no. 4, 2020. @article{Dobber2020,
title = {The regulation of online political micro-targeting in Europe},
author = {Dobber, T. and Fahy, R. and Zuiderveen Borgesius, F.},
url = {https://policyreview.info/articles/analysis/regulation-online-political-micro-targeting-europe},
doi = {10.14763/2019.4.1440},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-01-16},
journal = {Internet Policy Review},
volume = {8},
number = {4},
abstract = {In this paper, we examine how online political micro-targeting is regulated in Europe. While there are no specific rules on such micro-targeting, there are general rules that apply. We focus on three fields of law: data protection law, freedom of expression, and sector-specific rules for political advertising; for the latter we examine four countries. We argue that the rules in the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) are necessary, but not sufficient. We show that political advertising, including online political micro-targeting, is protected by the right to freedom of expression. That right is not absolute, however. From a European human rights perspective, it is possible for lawmakers to limit the possibilities for political advertising. Indeed, some countries ban TV advertising for political parties during elections.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In this paper, we examine how online political micro-targeting is regulated in Europe. While there are no specific rules on such micro-targeting, there are general rules that apply. We focus on three fields of law: data protection law, freedom of expression, and sector-specific rules for political advertising; for the latter we examine four countries. We argue that the rules in the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) are necessary, but not sufficient. We show that political advertising, including online political micro-targeting, is protected by the right to freedom of expression. That right is not absolute, however. From a European human rights perspective, it is possible for lawmakers to limit the possibilities for political advertising. Indeed, some countries ban TV advertising for political parties during elections. |
Fahy, R., van Hoboken, J. European Regulation of Smartphone Ecosystems In: European Data Protection Law Review (EDPL), vol. 5, no. 4, pp. 476-491, 2019. @article{Fahy2019eb,
title = {European Regulation of Smartphone Ecosystems},
author = {Fahy, R. and van Hoboken, J.},
url = {https://edpl.lexxion.eu/article/EDPL/2019/4/6},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.21552/edpl/2019/4/6},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-12-13},
journal = {European Data Protection Law Review (EDPL)},
volume = {5},
number = {4},
pages = {476-491},
abstract = {For the first time, two pieces of EU legislation will specifically target smartphone ecosystems in relation to smartphone and mobile software (eg, iOS and Android) privacy, and use and monetisation of data. And yet, both pieces of legislation approach data use and data monetisation from radically contrasting perspectives. The first is the proposed ePrivacy Regulation, which seeks to provide enhanced protection against user data monitoring and tracking in smartphones, and safeguard privacy in electronic communications. On the other hand, the recently enacted Platform-to-Business Regulation 2019, seeks to bring fairness to platform-business user relations (including app stores and app developers), and is crucially built upon the premise that the ability to access and use data, including personal data, can enable important value creation in the online platform economy. This article discusses how these two Regulations will apply to smartphone ecosystems, especially relating to user and device privacy. The article analyses the potential tension points between the two sets of rules, which result from the underlying policy objectives of safeguarding privacy in electronic communications and the functioning of the digital economy in the emerging era of platform governance. The article concludes with a discussion on how to address these issues, at the intersection of privacy and competition in the digital platform economy.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
For the first time, two pieces of EU legislation will specifically target smartphone ecosystems in relation to smartphone and mobile software (eg, iOS and Android) privacy, and use and monetisation of data. And yet, both pieces of legislation approach data use and data monetisation from radically contrasting perspectives. The first is the proposed ePrivacy Regulation, which seeks to provide enhanced protection against user data monitoring and tracking in smartphones, and safeguard privacy in electronic communications. On the other hand, the recently enacted Platform-to-Business Regulation 2019, seeks to bring fairness to platform-business user relations (including app stores and app developers), and is crucially built upon the premise that the ability to access and use data, including personal data, can enable important value creation in the online platform economy. This article discusses how these two Regulations will apply to smartphone ecosystems, especially relating to user and device privacy. The article analyses the potential tension points between the two sets of rules, which result from the underlying policy objectives of safeguarding privacy in electronic communications and the functioning of the digital economy in the emerging era of platform governance. The article concludes with a discussion on how to address these issues, at the intersection of privacy and competition in the digital platform economy. |
Fahy, R., Voorhoof, D. Denying journalist access to asylum-seeker ‘reception centre’ in Hungary violated Article 10 ECHR In: Strasbourg Observers, 2019. @article{Voorhoof2019,
title = {Denying journalist access to asylum-seeker ‘reception centre’ in Hungary violated Article 10 ECHR},
author = {Voorhoof, D. and Fahy, R.},
url = {https://strasbourgobservers.com/2019/11/04/denying-journalist-access-to-asylum-seeker-reception-centre-in-hungary-violated-article-10-echr/},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-11-15},
journal = {Strasbourg Observers},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
|
Appelman, N., Fahy, R., Helberger, N., Leerssen, P., McGonagle, T., van Eijk, N., van Hoboken, J. De verspreiding van desinformatie via internetdiensten en de regulering van politieke advertenties 2019, (Tussenrapportage oktober 2019). @techreport{vanHoboken2019c,
title = {De verspreiding van desinformatie via internetdiensten en de regulering van politieke advertenties},
author = {van Hoboken, J. and Appelman, N. and Fahy, R. and Leerssen, P. and McGonagle, T. and van Eijk, N. and Helberger, N.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/verspreiding_desinformatie_internetdiensten_tussenrapportage.pdf},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-10-31},
abstract = {Rapport in opdracht van het Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties, bijlage bij Kamerstuk 2019-2020, 30821, nr. 91, Tweede Kamer.},
note = {Tussenrapportage oktober 2019},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
Rapport in opdracht van het Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties, bijlage bij Kamerstuk 2019-2020, 30821, nr. 91, Tweede Kamer. |
Fahy, R., Voorhoof, D. ECtHR engages in dangerous "triple pirouette" to find criminal prosecution for media coverage of PKK statements did not violate Article 10 In: Strasbourg Observers, 2019. @article{Fahy2019c,
title = {ECtHR engages in dangerous "triple pirouette" to find criminal prosecution for media coverage of PKK statements did not violate Article 10},
author = {Fahy, R. and Voorhoof, D.},
url = {https://strasbourgobservers.com/2019/10/14/ecthr-engages-in-dangerous-triple-pirouette-to-find-criminal-prosecution-for-media-coverage-of-pkk-statements-did-not-violate-article-10/#more-4435},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-10-14},
journal = {Strasbourg Observers},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
|
Coutinho, M.F., Delinavelli, G., Fahy, R., Irion, K., Jusić, T., Kersevan Smokvina, T., Klimkiewicz, B., Llorens, C., Rozgonyi, K., Svensson, S., Til, G. van The independence of media regulatory authorities in Europe 2019, (Capello, M. (ed.), IRIS Special 2019-1, European Audiovisual Observatory, Strasbourg). @techreport{Irion2019b,
title = {The independence of media regulatory authorities in Europe},
author = {Irion, K. and Delinavelli, G. and Coutinho, M.F. and Fahy, R. and Jusi\'{c}, T. and Klimkiewicz, B. and Llorens, C. and Rozgonyi, K. and Svensson, S. and Kersevan Smokvina, T. and Til, G. van},
editor = {Capello, M.},
url = {https://rm.coe.int/the-independence-of-media-regulatory-authorities-in-europe/168097e504},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-10-01},
publisher = {European Audiovisual Observatory},
note = {Capello, M. (ed.), IRIS Special 2019-1, European Audiovisual Observatory, Strasbourg},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
|
Fahy, R., Voorhoof, D. Article 10 ECHR and Expressive Conduct In: Communications Law, vol. 24, no. 2, pp. 62-73, 2019, (Pre-print). @article{Fahy2019bb,
title = {Article 10 ECHR and Expressive Conduct},
author = {Fahy, R. and Voorhoof, D.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/Communications_Law_2019.pdf},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-06-25},
journal = {Communications Law},
volume = {24},
number = {2},
pages = {62-73},
abstract = {The European Court of Human Rights has recently delivered a series of judgments finding violations of the right to freedom of expression over convictions for engaging in expressive conduct. The purpose of this article is to discuss the European Court's recent case law on expressive conduct under Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, and in particular to assess in what circumstances, if any, domestic courts may impose prison sentences, even if suspended, on individuals engaging in peaceful, but provocative and offensive expression.},
note = {Pre-print},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The European Court of Human Rights has recently delivered a series of judgments finding violations of the right to freedom of expression over convictions for engaging in expressive conduct. The purpose of this article is to discuss the European Court's recent case law on expressive conduct under Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, and in particular to assess in what circumstances, if any, domestic courts may impose prison sentences, even if suspended, on individuals engaging in peaceful, but provocative and offensive expression. |
Fahy, R. The Chilling Effect of Turkey’s Article 301 Insult Law In: European Human Rights Law Review , vol. 2019, no. 3, pp. 298-308, 2019. @article{Fahy2019b,
title = {The Chilling Effect of Turkey’s Article 301 Insult Law},
author = {Fahy, R.},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-06-14},
journal = {European Human Rights Law Review },
volume = {2019},
number = {3},
pages = {298-308},
abstract = {This article discusses how the approach of the European Court of Human Rights has evolved in seeking to protect freedom of expression from the chilling effect of Turkey’s controversial Article 301 insult law. The article reveals the early reluctance within the Court in finding that the law’s provisions were incompatible with freedom of expression, and yet, the analysis now demonstrates how the Court’s concern for the chilling effect has led the Court to two adopt notable approaches: first, the Court permitting applicants to argue that the law, in and of itself, violates the European Convention on Human Rights, even where an applicant has not been convicted, nor even prosecuted under the law; and second, the Court’s application of its rarely-used competence under Article 46 of the European Convention, finding that amending Article 301 would “constitute an appropriate form of execution” of the Court’s judgment.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article discusses how the approach of the European Court of Human Rights has evolved in seeking to protect freedom of expression from the chilling effect of Turkey’s controversial Article 301 insult law. The article reveals the early reluctance within the Court in finding that the law’s provisions were incompatible with freedom of expression, and yet, the analysis now demonstrates how the Court’s concern for the chilling effect has led the Court to two adopt notable approaches: first, the Court permitting applicants to argue that the law, in and of itself, violates the European Convention on Human Rights, even where an applicant has not been convicted, nor even prosecuted under the law; and second, the Court’s application of its rarely-used competence under Article 46 of the European Convention, finding that amending Article 301 would “constitute an appropriate form of execution” of the Court’s judgment. |
Bodó, B., Dobber, T., Fahy, R., Irion, K., Kruikemeier, S., Möller, J., Stapel, S., Vreese, C.H. de, Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. Online politieke microtargeting: Een zegen of een vloek voor de democratie? In: Nederlands Juristenblad (NJB), vol. 2019, no. 10, pp. 528-669, 2019. @article{Borgesius2019b,
title = {Online politieke microtargeting: Een zegen of een vloek voor de democratie?},
author = {Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. and M\"{o}ller, J. and Dobber, T. and Kruikemeier, S. and Irion, K. and Stapel, S. and Fahy, R. and Bod\'{o}, B. and Vreese, C.H. de},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/NJB_2019.pdf},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-03-19},
journal = {Nederlands Juristenblad (NJB)},
volume = {2019},
number = {10},
pages = {528-669},
abstract = {Voor online politieke microtargeting wordt het online-gedrag van mensen in kaart gebracht en worden de verzamelde gegevens gebruikt om mensen gerichte politieke advertenties te tonen. Microtargeting is vanuit de VS komen overwaaien naar Europa en heeft voor- en nadelen voor de democratie. Microtargeting kan politieke partijen helpen om mensen effectief te bereiken en kan politieke betrokkenheid stimuleren. Maar microtargeting kan ook een bedreiging vormen voor de democratie. Zo kan een politieke partij zich verschillend voordoen aan verschillende mensen. Bovendien bedreigt het verzamelen van persoonsgegevens onze privacy. Dit artikel brengt de beloftes en bedreigingen van microtargeting voor de democratie in kaart en schetst mogelijkheden voor beleidsmakers om het gebruik van microtargeting te reguleren.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Voor online politieke microtargeting wordt het online-gedrag van mensen in kaart gebracht en worden de verzamelde gegevens gebruikt om mensen gerichte politieke advertenties te tonen. Microtargeting is vanuit de VS komen overwaaien naar Europa en heeft voor- en nadelen voor de democratie. Microtargeting kan politieke partijen helpen om mensen effectief te bereiken en kan politieke betrokkenheid stimuleren. Maar microtargeting kan ook een bedreiging vormen voor de democratie. Zo kan een politieke partij zich verschillend voordoen aan verschillende mensen. Bovendien bedreigt het verzamelen van persoonsgegevens onze privacy. Dit artikel brengt de beloftes en bedreigingen van microtargeting voor de democratie in kaart en schetst mogelijkheden voor beleidsmakers om het gebruik van microtargeting te reguleren. |
Fahy, R., van Eijk, N., van Hoboken, J. Mobile Privacy and Business-to-Platform Dependencies: An Analysis of SEC Disclosures In: Journal of Business & Technology Law , vol. 14, no. 1, 2019. @article{Fahy2019e,
title = {Mobile Privacy and Business-to-Platform Dependencies: An Analysis of SEC Disclosures},
author = {Fahy, R. and van Hoboken, J. and van Eijk, N.},
url = {https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/jbtl/vol14/iss1/4/},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-02-06},
journal = {Journal of Business \& Technology Law },
volume = {14},
number = {1},
abstract = {This Article systematically examines the dependence of mobile apps on mobile platforms for the collection and use of personal information through an analysis of Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) filings of mobile app companies. The Article uses these disclosures to find systematic evidence of how app business models are shaped by the governance of user data by mobile platforms, in order to reflect on the role of platforms in privacy regulation more generally. The analysis of SEC filings documented in the Article produces new and unique insights into the data practices and data-related aspects of the business models of popular mobile apps and shows the value of SEC filings for privacy law and policy research more generally. The discussion of SEC filings and privacy builds on regulatory developments in SEC disclosures and cybersecurity of the last decade. The Article also connects to recent regulatory developments in the U.S. and Europe, including the General Data Protection Regulation, the proposals for a new ePrivacy Regulation and a Regulation of fairness in business-to-platform relations.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This Article systematically examines the dependence of mobile apps on mobile platforms for the collection and use of personal information through an analysis of Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) filings of mobile app companies. The Article uses these disclosures to find systematic evidence of how app business models are shaped by the governance of user data by mobile platforms, in order to reflect on the role of platforms in privacy regulation more generally. The analysis of SEC filings documented in the Article produces new and unique insights into the data practices and data-related aspects of the business models of popular mobile apps and shows the value of SEC filings for privacy law and policy research more generally. The discussion of SEC filings and privacy builds on regulatory developments in SEC disclosures and cybersecurity of the last decade. The Article also connects to recent regulatory developments in the U.S. and Europe, including the General Data Protection Regulation, the proposals for a new ePrivacy Regulation and a Regulation of fairness in business-to-platform relations. |
Alén-Savikko, A., Apa, E., Bassini, M., Cabrera Blázquez, F.J., Cunningham, I., Etteldorf, C., Fahy, R., Granchet, A., Klimkiewicz, B., Polák, J., Prosser, T., Richter, A., Rodriguez, N. Media reporting: facts, nothing but facts? 2018, ISBN: 9789287188618, (IRIS Special, European Audiovisual Observatory: Strasbourg, 2018, 150 pp.). @techreport{Al\'{e}n-Savikko2018,
title = {Media reporting: facts, nothing but facts?},
author = {Al\'{e}n-Savikko, A. and Apa, E. and Bassini, M. and Cabrera Bl\'{a}zquez, F.J. and Cunningham, I. and Etteldorf, C. and Granchet, A. and Klimkiewicz, B. and Fahy, R. and Pol\'{a}k, J. and Prosser, T. and Richter, A. and Rodriguez, N.},
url = {https://rm.coe.int/media-reporting-facts-nothing-but-facts/16808e3cda},
isbn = {9789287188618},
year = {2018},
date = {2018-10-24},
abstract = {Separating the facts from the fiction in today’s media is becoming mission impossible. In the era of the #fakenews hashtag, the internet, and the media in general, are concerned by the emergence of fiction which is sometimes much stranger than truth! So what rules and initiatives exist in Europe to help ensure the accuracy and objectivity of news and current affairs reporting? How far can the European and the various national legislators go to protect us from dubious reporting or at least ensure that codes of good conduct exist?},
note = {IRIS Special, European Audiovisual Observatory: Strasbourg, 2018, 150 pp.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
Separating the facts from the fiction in today’s media is becoming mission impossible. In the era of the #fakenews hashtag, the internet, and the media in general, are concerned by the emergence of fiction which is sometimes much stranger than truth! So what rules and initiatives exist in Europe to help ensure the accuracy and objectivity of news and current affairs reporting? How far can the European and the various national legislators go to protect us from dubious reporting or at least ensure that codes of good conduct exist? |
Fahy, R., Gorp, N. van, Nooren, P., van Eijk, N. Should We Regulate Digital Platforms? A New Framework for Evaluating Policy Options In: Policy & Internet, vol. 2018, pp. 264-301, 2018. @article{Nooren2018,
title = {Should We Regulate Digital Platforms? A New Framework for Evaluating Policy Options},
author = {Nooren, P. and Gorp, N. van and van Eijk, N. and Fahy, R.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/Policy_and_Internet_2018.pdf},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.1002/poi3.177},
year = {2018},
date = {2018-09-11},
journal = {Policy \& Internet},
volume = {2018},
pages = {264-301},
abstract = {The economic and societal impact of digital platforms raises a number of questions for policymakers, including whether existing regulatory approaches and instruments are sufficient to promote and safeguard public interests. This article develops a practical framework that provides structure and guidance to policymakers who design policies for the digital economy. The framework differs from other approaches in taking the digital business models of platforms as the starting point for the analysis. The framework consists of three pillars, namely determining a platform's characteristics, relating these to public interests, and formulating policy options. The framework then invokes a return‐path analysis for assessing how the interventions affect the business model, whether it has the desired effect on public interests, and ensuring it has no undesired side‐effects on public interests. The framework puts forward two key messages for current discussions on digital platforms. First, one should look at the underlying characteristics of platforms rather than trying to understand digital platforms as a single category. Second, policymakers should explore existing rules and policy options, as they seem fit to deal with several characteristics of digital platforms in a time frame that matches the rapid development of platform technologies and business models.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The economic and societal impact of digital platforms raises a number of questions for policymakers, including whether existing regulatory approaches and instruments are sufficient to promote and safeguard public interests. This article develops a practical framework that provides structure and guidance to policymakers who design policies for the digital economy. The framework differs from other approaches in taking the digital business models of platforms as the starting point for the analysis. The framework consists of three pillars, namely determining a platform's characteristics, relating these to public interests, and formulating policy options. The framework then invokes a return‐path analysis for assessing how the interventions affect the business model, whether it has the desired effect on public interests, and ensuring it has no undesired side‐effects on public interests. The framework puts forward two key messages for current discussions on digital platforms. First, one should look at the underlying characteristics of platforms rather than trying to understand digital platforms as a single category. Second, policymakers should explore existing rules and policy options, as they seem fit to deal with several characteristics of digital platforms in a time frame that matches the rapid development of platform technologies and business models. |
Fahy, R., Hanhart, M., Klus, M., Kostić, B., McGonagle, T., Plaizier, C. Open Journalism: The Road Travelled and the Road Ahead 2018, (Vienna, OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, 2018.). @techreport{McGonagle2018c,
title = {Open Journalism: The Road Travelled and the Road Ahead},
author = {McGonagle, T. and Fahy, R. and Kosti\'{c}, B. and Klus, M. and Plaizier, C. and Hanhart, M.},
url = {https://www.osce.org/representative-on-freedom-of-media/384432?download=true},
year = {2018},
date = {2018-06-22},
note = {Vienna, OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, 2018.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
|
Bodó, B., Dobber, T., Fahy, R., Irion, K., Kruikemeier, S., Möller, J., Vreese, C.H. de, Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. Online Political Microtargeting: Promises and Threats for Democracy In: Utrecht Law Review, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 82-96, 2018. @article{Borgesius2018,
title = {Online Political Microtargeting: Promises and Threats for Democracy},
author = {Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. and M\"{o}ller, J. and Kruikemeier, S. and Fahy, R. and Irion, K. and Dobber, T. and Bod\'{o}, B. and Vreese, C.H. de},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/UtrechtLawReview.pdf},
year = {2018},
date = {2018-02-13},
journal = {Utrecht Law Review},
volume = {14},
number = {1},
pages = {82-96},
abstract = {Online political microtargeting involves monitoring people’s online behaviour, and using the collected data, sometimes enriched with other data, to show people-targeted political advertisements. Online political microtargeting is widely used in the US; Europe may not be far behind. This paper maps microtargeting’s promises and threats to democracy. For example, microtargeting promises to optimise the match between the electorate’s concerns and political campaigns, and to boost campaign engagement and political participation. But online microtargeting could also threaten democracy. For instance, a political party could, misleadingly, present itself as a different one-issue party to different individuals. And data collection for microtargeting raises privacy concerns. We sketch possibilities for policymakers if they seek to regulate online political microtargeting. We discuss which measures would be possible, while complying with the right to freedom of expression under the European Convention on Human Rights.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Online political microtargeting involves monitoring people’s online behaviour, and using the collected data, sometimes enriched with other data, to show people-targeted political advertisements. Online political microtargeting is widely used in the US; Europe may not be far behind. This paper maps microtargeting’s promises and threats to democracy. For example, microtargeting promises to optimise the match between the electorate’s concerns and political campaigns, and to boost campaign engagement and political participation. But online microtargeting could also threaten democracy. For instance, a political party could, misleadingly, present itself as a different one-issue party to different individuals. And data collection for microtargeting raises privacy concerns. We sketch possibilities for policymakers if they seek to regulate online political microtargeting. We discuss which measures would be possible, while complying with the right to freedom of expression under the European Convention on Human Rights. |
Apa, E., Bassini, M., Bruna, A., Cabrera Blázquez, F., Cunningham, I., Etteldorf, C., Fahy, R., Goldberg, D., Granchet, A., Klimkiewicz, B., Richter, A., Rozendaal, M. Media coverage of elections: the legal framework in Europe 2017, (IRIS Special, 2017-1, European Audiovisual Observatory, Strasbourg, ISBN: 9789287184870). @techreport{Fahy2017b,
title = {Media coverage of elections: the legal framework in Europe},
author = {Fahy, R. and Apa, E. and Bassini, M. and Bruna, A. and Cabrera Bl\'{a}zquez, F. and Cunningham, I. and Etteldorf, C. and Goldberg, D. and Granchet, A. and Klimkiewicz, B. and Richter, A. and Rozendaal, M.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/IRIS_Special_2017_1.pdf},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-09-14},
note = {IRIS Special, 2017-1, European Audiovisual Observatory, Strasbourg, ISBN: 9789287184870},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
|
Fahy, R. Annotatie bij Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens 21 februari 2017 (Dosamantes / Spanje) In: European Human Right Cases, vol. 2017, no. 7, 2017. @article{Fahy2017b,
title = {Annotatie bij Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens 21 februari 2017 (Dosamantes / Spanje)},
author = {Fahy, R.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/EHRC_2017_7.pdf},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-08-24},
journal = {European Human Right Cases},
volume = {2017},
number = {7},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
|
Fahy, R. The Chilling Effect of Liability for Online Reader Comments In: European Human Rights Law Review, vol. 2017, no. 4, pp. 387-393, 2017. @article{Fahy2017b,
title = {The Chilling Effect of Liability for Online Reader Comments},
author = {Fahy, R.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/EHRLR_2017_4.pdf},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-08-24},
journal = {European Human Rights Law Review},
volume = {2017},
number = {4},
pages = {387-393},
abstract = {This article assesses how the European Court of Human Rights has responded to the argument that holding online news media liable for reader comments has a chilling effect on freedom of expression. The article demonstrates how the Court first responded by dismissing the argument, and focused on the apparent lack of evidence for any such chilling effect. The article then argues that the Court has moved away from its initial rejection, and now accepts that a potential chilling effect, even without evidence, is integral to deciding whether online news media should be liable for reader comments. Finally, the article argues that this latter view is consistent with the Court’s precedent in other areas of
freedom of expression law where a similar chilling effect may also arise.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article assesses how the European Court of Human Rights has responded to the argument that holding online news media liable for reader comments has a chilling effect on freedom of expression. The article demonstrates how the Court first responded by dismissing the argument, and focused on the apparent lack of evidence for any such chilling effect. The article then argues that the Court has moved away from its initial rejection, and now accepts that a potential chilling effect, even without evidence, is integral to deciding whether online news media should be liable for reader comments. Finally, the article argues that this latter view is consistent with the Court’s precedent in other areas of
freedom of expression law where a similar chilling effect may also arise. |
Fahy, R., Irion, K., Rozendaal, M., van Hoboken, J., Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. An Assessment of the Commission's Proposal on Privacy and Electronic Communications 2017, ISBN: 9789284611010. @misc{Borgesius2017b,
title = {An Assessment of the Commission's Proposal on Privacy and Electronic Communications},
author = {Zuiderveen Borgesius, F. and van Hoboken, J. and Fahy, R. and Irion, K. and Rozendaal, M.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/IPOL_STU2017583152_EN.pdf},
doi = {10.2861/614076},
isbn = {9789284611010},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-06-15},
abstract = {This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, appraises the European Commission’s proposal for an ePrivacy Regulation. The study assesses whether the proposal would ensure that the right to the protection of personal data, the right to respect for private life and communications, and related rights enjoy a high standard of protection. The study also highlights the proposal’s potential benefits and drawbacks more generally.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {misc}
}
This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, appraises the European Commission’s proposal for an ePrivacy Regulation. The study assesses whether the proposal would ensure that the right to the protection of personal data, the right to respect for private life and communications, and related rights enjoy a high standard of protection. The study also highlights the proposal’s potential benefits and drawbacks more generally. |
Beer, K.E.A. de, Fahy, R. Annotatie bij Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens 20 september 2016 (Van Beukering & Het Parool / Nederland) In: European Human Right Cases, no. 1, 2017. @article{Fahy2017,
title = {Annotatie bij Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens 20 september 2016 (Van Beukering \& Het Parool / Nederland)},
author = {Fahy, R. and Beer, K.E.A. de},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/EHRC_2017_1.pdf},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-01-24},
journal = {European Human Right Cases},
number = {1},
abstract = {De zaak Van Beukering en Het Parool B.V. t. Nederland betreft de publicatie van een portret zonder toestemming van de geportretteerde. Het Parool had een artikel geplaatst over het strafproces inzake een rapper die werd verdacht van het plegen van een aantal misdrijven. Bij het artikel had Parool een foto geplaatst van de rapper. De foto was afkomstig uit een documentaire over de rapper “R.P.,” waar hij een aantal jaar eerder aan had meegewerkt. De documentaire werd in het artikel uitvoerig besproken. De documentaire stond op het moment van publicatie nog online. Het gaat in deze zaak om de vraag of Het Parool onrechtmatig heeft gehandeld door de foto van de rapper te publiceren. Het EHRM overweegt dat een afweging moet worden gemaakt tussen twee fundamentele rechten: het recht op eerbiediging van priv\'{e}leven (art. 8 EVRM) van de rapper en het recht op vrijheid van meningsuiting (art. 10 EVRM) van Het Parool. Het Hof stelt vast dat de Hoge Raad geen onredelijke conclusie heeft getrokken door in dit geval art. 8 EVRM te laten prevaleren. Het Hof verklaart het verzoekschrift van Van Beukering en Het Parool niet-ontvankelijk.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
De zaak Van Beukering en Het Parool B.V. t. Nederland betreft de publicatie van een portret zonder toestemming van de geportretteerde. Het Parool had een artikel geplaatst over het strafproces inzake een rapper die werd verdacht van het plegen van een aantal misdrijven. Bij het artikel had Parool een foto geplaatst van de rapper. De foto was afkomstig uit een documentaire over de rapper “R.P.,” waar hij een aantal jaar eerder aan had meegewerkt. De documentaire werd in het artikel uitvoerig besproken. De documentaire stond op het moment van publicatie nog online. Het gaat in deze zaak om de vraag of Het Parool onrechtmatig heeft gehandeld door de foto van de rapper te publiceren. Het EHRM overweegt dat een afweging moet worden gemaakt tussen twee fundamentele rechten: het recht op eerbiediging van privéleven (art. 8 EVRM) van de rapper en het recht op vrijheid van meningsuiting (art. 10 EVRM) van Het Parool. Het Hof stelt vast dat de Hoge Raad geen onredelijke conclusie heeft getrokken door in dit geval art. 8 EVRM te laten prevaleren. Het Hof verklaart het verzoekschrift van Van Beukering en Het Parool niet-ontvankelijk. |
Fahy, R., Gelevert, H., Nooren, P., Stokking, H., Til, H. van, van Eijk, N. Digital platforms: an analytical framework for identifying and evaluating policy options 2016, ( TNO-rapport 2015, R11271. Bijlage bij Kamerbrief over toekomstbestendige wetgeving.
). @techreport{Til2016,
title = {Digital platforms: an analytical framework for identifying and evaluating policy options},
author = {Til, H. van and Nooren, P. and Stokking, H. and Gelevert, H. and van Eijk, N. and Fahy, R.},
url = {http://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/1703.pdf},
year = {2016},
date = {2016-01-07},
abstract = { Kader om beleidsopties ten aanzien van 'digitale platforms' te analyseren.},
note = { TNO-rapport 2015, R11271. Bijlage bij Kamerbrief over toekomstbestendige wetgeving.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
Kader om beleidsopties ten aanzien van 'digitale platforms' te analyseren. |
Fahy, R., Gelevert, H., Nooren, P., Stokking, H., Til, H. van, van Eijk, N. Digitale Platforms: een analytisch kader voor het identificeren en evalueren van beleidsopties 2016. @techreport{Til2016b,
title = {Digitale Platforms: een analytisch kader voor het identificeren en evalueren van beleidsopties},
author = {Til, H. van and Nooren, P. and Stokking, H. and Gelevert, H. and van Eijk, N. and Fahy, R.},
url = {https://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/digitale-platforms_tno-1.pdf},
year = {2016},
date = {2016-01-07},
abstract = {Nederlandse samenvatting van rapport "Digital platforms: an analytical framework for identifying and evaluating policy options".
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
Nederlandse samenvatting van rapport "Digital platforms: an analytical framework for identifying and evaluating policy options".
|
Fahy, R., van Eechoud, M. Clinical Legal Education: A Review of the Literature 2015. @techreport{,
title = {Clinical Legal Education: A Review of the Literature},
author = {R.F. Fahy and M.M.M. van Eechoud},
url = {http://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/1630.pdf},
year = {2015},
date = {2015-09-29},
note = {
iLINC (ICT Law Incubators Network), September 2015.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
|
Fahy, R., van Eechoud, M. Establishing Links to Learning 2015. @techreport{,
title = {Establishing Links to Learning},
author = {R.F. Fahy and M.M.M. van Eechoud},
url = {http://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/1631.pdf},
year = {2015},
date = {2015-09-29},
note = {
iLINC (ICT Law Incubators Network), Work Package 3, September 2015.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
|
Fahy, R., van Eechoud, M. Establishing a Start-up Law Clinic in a Law School - 10 Practical Tips 2015. @misc{,
title = {Establishing a Start-up Law Clinic in a Law School - 10 Practical Tips},
author = {R.F. Fahy and M.M.M. van Eechoud},
url = {http://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/1684.pdf},
year = {2015},
date = {2015-09-29},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {misc}
}
|
Fahy, R., van Eechoud, M. Establishing a Start-up Law Clinic in Law School: A Practical Guide 2015. @techreport{,
title = {Establishing a Start-up Law Clinic in Law School: A Practical Guide},
author = {R.F. Fahy and M.M.M. van Eechoud},
url = {http://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/1686.pdf},
year = {2015},
date = {2015-09-29},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {techreport}
}
|
Fahy, R. Political Advertising Bans and Freedom of Expression In: Greek Public Law Journal, pp. 226-228, 2015. @article{,
title = {Political Advertising Bans and Freedom of Expression},
author = {R.F. Fahy},
url = {http://www.ivir.nl/publicaties/download/1534.pdf},
year = {2015},
date = {2015-04-14},
journal = {Greek Public Law Journal},
pages = {226-228},
abstract = {
In \emph{Animal Defenders International v UK}, the 17-judge Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the UK\’s ban on political advertising on television, as applied to an animal rights organisation, did not violate freedom of expression. The Court divided nine votes to eight, with the majority opinion abandoning the Court\’s previous \‘strict scrutiny\’ review, and laying down a new doctrine for reviewing political advertising bans. This article, first, examines the role the composition of the Grand Chamber played in the outcome of the case. Second, questions the basis of the new doctrine of review. And third, criticises the majority\’s treatment of precedent.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In Animal Defenders International v UK, the 17-judge Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the UK’s ban on political advertising on television, as applied to an animal rights organisation, did not violate freedom of expression. The Court divided nine votes to eight, with the majority opinion abandoning the Court’s previous ‘strict scrutiny’ review, and laying down a new doctrine for reviewing political advertising bans. This article, first, examines the role the composition of the Grand Chamber played in the outcome of the case. Second, questions the basis of the new doctrine of review. And third, criticises the majority’s treatment of precedent.
|