Political micro-targeting (PMT) has become a popular topic both in academia and in the public discussions after the surprise results of the 2016 US presidential election, the UK vote on leaving the European Union, and a number of general elections in Europe in 2017. Yet, we still know little about whether PMT is a tool with such destructive potential that it requires close societal control, or if it’s “just” a new phenomenon with currently unknown capacities, but which can ultimately be incorporated into our political processes. In this article we identify the points where we think we need to further develop our analytical capacities around PMT. We argue that we need to decouple research from the US context, and through more non-US and comparative research we need to develop a better understanding of the macro, meso, and micro level factors that affect the adoption and success of PMTs across different countries. One of the most under-researched macro-level factors is law. We argue that PMT research must develop a better understanding of law, especially in Europe, where the regulatory frameworks around platforms, personal data, political and commercial speech do shape the use and effectiveness of PMT. We point out that the incorporation of such new factors calls for the sophistication of research designs, which currently rely too much on qualitative methods, and use too little of the data that exists on PMT. And finally, we call for distancing PMT research from the hype surrounding the new PMT capabilities, and the moral panics that quickly develop around its uses.

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REM, seated in Belgrade, is caught and operates in a challenging context: media markets in Serbia are highly saturated and government grants are awarded to selective private media. There is low upfront compliance with programme and advertisements rules as well as an overall squeeze on quality content and the accountability function of the media. Lacking the optimal support of the parliament and being sidelined by the Ministry on Culture and Information can damage the effective functioning of the independent regulator. REM in this situation appears to retreat to overly formalistic (law-abiding) activities without necessarily being effective in regulating the Serbian electronic and audiovisual media. Many stakeholders from the media sector do not perceive of REM as an authority pointing to a lack of enforcement or the deflection of responsibility which has undermined its public credibility. The study concludes with a set of recommendation how to address these challenges.},
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Tegenwoordig wordt de consument op steeds grotere schaal gevolgd via de wifi-signalen die smartphones uitzenden. Inzicht in hoe consumenten zich gedragen in een winkel levert commerci\"{e}le voordelen op voor de winkeliers, maar ook risico's voor de persoonlijke levenssfeer. Onder de Wet bescherming persoonsgegevens is gegevensverwerking via wifi-tracking toegestaan, mits wordt voldaan aan de strenge eisen die de wet stelt. Ter vergelijking wordt gekeken naar de regulering van wifi-tracking in de Verenigde Staten.

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DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/info-05-2015-0034

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In: Something bigger than yourself - Essays in honour of Richard de Mulder, P. Kleve en K. van Noortwijk (red.), Rotterdam: Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam 2011, p.1-15.

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Dit artikel beschrijft twee belangrijke ontwikkelingen op het gebied van zelfregulering van Internet in Ierland. Ten eerste de toepassing van de (allereerste) gedragscode (Code of Practice and Ethics) door de vereniging van Internet Service Providers in Ierland. Ten tweede beschrijft dit artikel het eerste belangrijke rapport van het Ierse online meldpunt voor kinderpornografie.

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